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Abstract
This article addresses the socio-territorial heterogeneity of the Lisbon Metropolitan Area (LMA) and its relationship with different types of mobility. We first use the 2011 Census to interpret the socio-demographic diversity of the LMA. We employ multivariate analysis to identify differentiating dimensions that distinguish between metropolitan parishes and use them to define groups. We then describe the mobility patterns of employees and students by constructing another typology of parishes (cluster analysis). Finally, we cross-reference the two typologies – socio-territorial and mobility – to show how space and society interact in the production of mobility in the LMA. The different patterns of mobility in the LMA are considered both a result and a reproduction factor of inequality in access to the metropolitan space.

Envisioning an international public order means envisioning an order sustained by a legal and institutional framework that ensures effective collective action with a view to defending fundamental values of the international community and to solving common global problems, in line with the universalist vision of international law. Envisioning the construction of an international public order means considering that this framework, which embraces and promotes the respect for human rights focused particularly on human dignity, is consolidating and evolving based on the International Criminal Court (ICC). The establishment of the ICC added an international punitive perennial facet to international humanitarian law and international human rights law and linked justice to peace, to security and to the well-being of the world, reaffirming the principles and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations (UN). Nevertheless, the affirmation process of an international criminal justice by punishing those responsible for the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole, faces numerous obstacles of political and normative character. This article identifies the central merits of the Rome Statute and ICC's practice and indicates its limitations caused by underlying legal-political tensions and interpretive questions relating to the crime of aggression and crimes against humanity. Finally, the article argues for the indispensability of rethinking the jurisdiction of the ICC, defending the categorization of terrorism as an international crime, and of articulating its mission with the "responsibility to protect", which may contribute to the consolidation of the ICC and of international criminal law and reinforce its role in the construction of an effective international public order.

The lack of a de facto military component is rather significant in normative and operational terms within the UN system. The differences among the permanent members of the Security Council, which exist since its beginning, have stopped provisions from being enforced which were included in the United Nations Charter, as well as the design of credible and effective alternatives. Considering that what is at stake are coercive military measures decided by the Security Council under Chapter VII, this becomes a decisive issue, as these measures were decided ultima ratio to maintain or restore international peace and security. Without an operational Military Staff Committee, without armed forces and without power of authority in the enforcement process, the Council is limited to approving decisions and held hostage to the options of Member-States, namely its permanent members. To ignore the urgency of a reform implies perpetuating a double paradox: on the one hand, the Security Council is required to take increasingly wider responsibility, laid down in article 24 and, in this context, in art. 42, and this body still lacks adequate military instruments; on the other hand, by correlating the reinforcement of efficiency, legitimacy and enforcement of Council decisions exclusively with the reform of its composition and work methodology, we are neglecting the fact that this change requires a reform of military instruments and of its authority within the scope of the body's multidimensional reform process. This paper begins by analyzing the enforcement mechanism established in the Charter and then addresses the issue underlying the delegation of implementing coercive military measures. Finally, the paper discusses the reform proposals, their guidelines and puts forward possible solutions.

Der UN-Sicherheitsrat ist das mächtigste Organ der Vereinten Nationen, er trägt die Hauptverantwortung für die Wahrung des Weltfriedens und der internationalen Sicherheit. Seine Zusammensetzung entspricht aber noch immer den Machtverhältnissen der Nachkriegszeit. Daher wird schon seit Jahrzehnten in Wissenschaft und Politik über eine institutionelle Reform des wichtigsten UN-Gremiums diskutiert. Die Autorin liefert die erste umfassende Untersuchung zu diesem Themenfeld. Die Studie verdeutlicht zunächst die Reformbedürftigkeit des Weltsicherheitsrates. Dann werden die verschiedenen Modelle für eine Neugestaltung und Umstrukturierung eingehend analysiert. Im Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung stehen die Auswirkungen der geplanten Reform auf die internationale Ordnung und die globale Sicherheitsarchitektur. Die Neuerscheinung richtet sich nicht nur an Völkerrechtler und Politikwissenschaftler, sondern auch an Diplomaten und politische Entscheidungsträger

AbstractThis article examines how different socio‐demographic trends interrelate with alterations in the traditional forms of social and interpersonal relationships. We will focus on two Portuguese municipalities using the concept of rural community as an analytic starting point for framing and examining the different dimensions of social capital. The survey's data shows that the generalised nature of mutual knowledge and trust, that used to characterise more traditional communities, tends now to depend on new social categories and groups that live and interact in these places. The study contains a multivariate, multiple correspondence analysis, which shows three different profiles of social capital coexisting in the two areas.

This article discusses the concept of equality of condition as a possibility of citizenship for women in diverse fields of social life: house work, labour market and social benefits, in particular. Women talks were gathered through Focus Group Discussion with a group of higher education students, in an Erasmus Intensive Programme, which involved Belgium, Lithuania, the Netherlands and Portugal. These countries are seen in their roles as European member states with diverse positions in the European Union. We start by describing shortly the European and national legal settings for women's citizenship, and we theorize the ways Europe relates to their citizens. Going beyond presence, we analyse women's possibilities to get in and to succeed in the labour market, as well as we examine the allocations attributed to women in the domestic sphere of care and house work, as well as the attribution of social benefits by the states. Hence, we also explore the positive or negative impact on equality of condition of the diverse dimensions that intertwine in their lives.

Particularly in the last thirty to thirty-five years, concerns with gender equality in citizenship have given room to a great diversity of policies aimed at overcoming inequalities in the organization of labour, in the family and intimacy, in politics, and so forth. These policies have emerged worldwide and in the European Union, having been (re)contextualized in the national spaces. Building on talks with women from Belgium, Lithuania, the Netherlands and Portugal, this article gathers their views on the social policies in their countries within this European context. This article tries to analyse the ways social policies in these countries, have (or have not) taken into account the issue of gender equality as a right and a priority. First we will focus on the emergence of the gender concern and the consequent production of legislation in Europe. Then we move on to analyze effective constraints to the insertion of women into the labour market and the inherent social benefits, according to the countries' locations. Women voices give a glance into countries' policies, by referencing some specific examples. ; Per paskutiniuosius 30–35 metus susirūpinimas lyčių lygiomis teisėmis pilietiškumo aspektu lėmė politikų įvairovę, kurių tikslas sumažinti nelygybę darbo rinkoje, šeimoje, politikoje ir t. t. Tokios politikos atsirado visame pasaulyje, įskaitant Europos Sąjungą, ir buvo pritaikytos nacionalinėse erdvėse. Remiantis dokumentų analize ir pokalbiais su moterimis Belgijoje, Lietuvoje, Olandijoje bei Portugalijoje, šiame straipsnyje analizuojamas moterų požiūris į jų šalyse vykdomą Europos socialinę politiką ir bandoma atskleisti, kokiais būdais ši politika kiekvienoje šalyje atsižvelgia į moterų lygias teises kaip prioritetinę sritį. Pirmiausia straipsnyje rašoma apie lyčių problemos atsiradimą ir teisinės bazės Europoje kūrimą. Po to analizuojamos efektyvios moterų įtraukimo į darbo rinką priemonės ir socialinė pagalba, priklausomai nuo šalies. Moterų pasakojimai, paremti konkrečiais pavyzdžiais, atskleidžia šalių socialinę politiką. [.]

The end of the Cold War brought with it a growing optimism about the new world order. It was believed that the political project of liberal modernity (democracy, rights and freedom, individuality and rationality) would at last become a broader reality. The "new wars" which erupted in the 1990's curtailed some of this optimism, but at the same time turned out to be a key moment to expand this liberal project. In fact, notwithstanding the destruction brought on by these violent conlicts, their treatment as deviant behavior that must be put right has reinforced (1) the political program of liberal modernity as a path to peace and (2) the international consensus around this image. Peace-building emerged as the key strategy to bring modernity to such scenarios. However, despite ideological and functional goals, in practice the ontological modernity rhetoric of empowerment was transformed into a technical, hierarchical tool, becoming part of a broader governance framework. This article aims to explore the cumulative discourse produced by the interaction between the ideological and functional components of the political peace-building project. Not only do we argue that the self-sustaining mechanisms of this project can be more widely applied to a growing number of settings, but also that they have captured the minds of those who engage in the project's critical assessment. As such, we will irst focus on the terms and context which have allowed for this political project to gain its unique status. Secondly, we will address both the theory and policy program that have been designed to respond to scenarios of violent conlict. Finally, we will address some critical inferences regarding the project and illuminate the double process of normalization it fosters: materialistic on the one hand, hermeneutical on the other. This study aims, therefore, to contribute to a self-relective critical research agenda.